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Holy shit!! I never thought I'd ever vote for Kathleen Wynn again but I can't bring myself to vote for Doug Ford.
We should explain this for those unfamiliar. This is for the provincial Ontario election. Doug Ford is a populist and like is brother could be described as a slightly more polite (but not much) version of Donald Trump. For the past twelve years the provincial Liberal Party has been in power and has a not particularly popular leader in Kathleen Wynn. However, Ford is a loud mouth and caters to the right/conservative populace. The Conservatives have gone into the last two elections ahead in the polls but blew it both times by their leaders saying/doing stupid things. I can see this happening a third time.
Going into recount
LOL Yup it seems someone doesn't want Ford to win, gotta love it...lol
Putin is messing with provincial party leadership races?
"The whole problem with the world is that fools and fanatics are always so certain of themselves, and wiser people so full of doubts." - Bertrand Russell
With Doug Fordâ€™s victory, a populist wave sweeps into Ontario
After years of speculation, Canada is about to find out what happens when the populist wave that has swept much of the Western world overtakes one of its major political parties.
The bizarre manner in which Doug Ford was crowned the leader of Ontario's Progressive Conservatives on Saturday â€“ his victory rumoured for many hours, but delayed by procedural challenges until most people attending the leadership announcement had been kicked out of the suburban conference hall where it was held â€“ should not obscure the stunning change it brings to the options facing voters in a spring election.
Only a couple of months ago, the looming campaign in the country's largest province seemed set to offer a change of face but not a dramatic change in direction â€“ former leader Patrick Brown determinedly trying to present a Red Tory-ism that would ease the minds of centrist voters tired of Kathleen Wynne's Liberals, but worried about spending cuts or a lack of modernism in social or environmental policy.
Now, the election promises to be something much more important than that: A referendum on whether Ontarians are prepared to embrace a style of government more visceral and unpredictable and resistant to political and institutional norms than any they have had before.
Mr. Ford is not Donald Trump to whom comparisons will be made on a daily basis between now and when Ontarians' cast their ballots on June 7. Skepticism of immigration, for instance, is not part of his formula; his late brother Rob enjoyed considerable support from new Canadians during his successful run for Toronto's mayoralty, and so did Doug in his unsuccessful bid to replace him. And he was certainly much less bombastic, while seeking the PC nomination, than was Mr. Trump during his ascent to the U.S. presidency.
But everything we know about Mr. Ford, as a politician, makes the parallels too numerous to overlook. There is the almost proud ignorance of the intricacies of public policy; the simple sloganeering and attack lines against opponents (right down to his campaign's apparent attempt through social media to label Ms. Elliott "crooked Christine"); the enthusiastic dabbling in social conservatism despite not presenting as the most devout of Christians; the habitual disdain toward the media; the reputation as a bully, including toward his own staff and behind-the-scenes allies.
And more importantly, there are the parallels between what he offers, and what is offered not just by Mr. Trump but by populists in through much of Europe and elsewhere: validation to those who feel left behind by economic or social change, and believe that corrupt "elites" across all mainstream political parties are indifferent to their struggles.
That was evident even in how he campaigned for the PC leadership, particularly in the latter stages as his campaign suggested that party higher-ups were conspiring to keep someone like him from the leadership. You could see it, too, in the way he wore his lack of policy depth as a badge of honour â€“ the implication being that he, more than the coddled bureaucrats and political lifers and ivory-tower elites normally around government, could through force of will impose the common-sense solutions to return Ontario to past glories.
As relatively mild as he was when speaking publicly about his opponents during this leadership campaign, his past form suggests he will try to channel voters' dislike of Ms. Wynne in a much harsher tone than the other leadership candidates would have. And if he winds up in the Premier's office, what we know about him from the municipal level and the building of the Ford brand suggests that he will be much less beholden to orthodoxies â€“ about what government must do, about how it communicates, about how decisions are made at the cabinet table â€“ than anyone who has occupied it before.
There is really no way of knowing how all that will play with voters who did not participate in the Tories' leadership process. Yes, Rob Ford managed to win in Toronto â€“ seemingly a less hospitable market for this type of conservatism than other parts of the province â€“ and Doug Ford didn't come that far from victory there himself. But being elected to lead a municipality with a weak-mayor system is nothing like being entrusted to run the country's second-largest government.
The Liberals undoubtedly feel better about trying to overcome their extremely low approval numbers against Mr. Ford than they would have against Ms. Elliott or Caroline Mulroney, and Andrea Horwath's New Democrats surely see an opening for themselves as a less volatile alternative. Recent polls have suggested he is viewed negatively by an unusually high number of voters for an incoming opposition leader. And among other potential turn-offs for voters Mr. Brown was courting, notably suburban women who have been pivotal to the Liberals' electoral success, is Mr. Ford's expressed willingness to reopen the abortion debate and other typically third-rail social issues â€“ something he may be hard-pressed to drop after social-conservative candidate Tanya Granic Allen proved kingmaker.
But Ontario is hardly immune from factors that have powered populists elsewhere. There are plenty of towns where traditional jobs in manufacturing or otherwise have dried up, and there is angst about a perceived shrinking of the middle class and the cost of living, and there are many people who believe that urban liberals are imposing their values â€“ in the form of everything from wind turbines to sex-education curriculum â€“ on everyone else.
There hasn't really been a test yet here of what a politician willing and able to tap into those feelings might be able to achieve electorally, nor what kind of a government it would produce. It's led to considerable smugness, among the sorts of people Mr. Ford would dismiss as elites, when casting their eyes south of the border. They shouldn't be feeling any such comfort the next three months, and very possibly well beyond.
Shouldn't you be hating Alberta, no gas and all?
Id actually like to see Alberta do that so all of our idiot environmentalists can start bitching about how expensive gas gets and how much their cost of living goes up, and expose their hypocrisy.
What may actually work in Ford's favour is the short timeframe before the election as it affords him less opportunity for "saying / doing stupid things". If Ford can put good people around him to limit this and flesh out policy it will definitely be interesting.
If the Ontario PC's lose three in a row while well ahead in the polls prior to an election maybe that's a Guinness record. :-)
Life is full of froth and trouble, two things stand in stone
Kindness in another's troubles, courage in one's own
Not Ontario, the Progressive Conservative Party. The right analogy would be that this is a US style primary with a short voting window, that weights results by congressional district.